ALBANY, New York — A surging bloc of hard-left lawmakers in Washington and Albany is preparing to confront moderate Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul.
The Democratic Socialists of America’s gains in Tuesday’s primary elections will likely expand the far left’s influence in the state capital and in the House, creating fresh headaches for Hochul if she wins a second full term this year.
Hochul on Tuesday lost a key House ally with the defeat of Rep. Adriano Espaillat to Darializa Avila Chevalier, a DSA-supported candidate who was endorsed by New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani. Candidates backed by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Mamdani are also on a glidepath to Albany next year. There will be as many as 16 lawmakers who identify as DSA members in the Democratic-dominated Legislature.
Taken together, the governor’s second term stands to be defined by a rising leftist tide in the halls of power, forcing her to navigate a boisterous political movement while still representing a broader electorate that’s far more skeptical of democratic socialism.
DSA-supported lawmakers are already at odds with the governor over boosting taxes on rich New Yorkers or significantly expanding no-cost health care. Now they’re promising to use their growing ranks to push harder.
“We’re coming in with a mandate to get those problems addressed proactively and not reactively,” said Assemblymember Emily Gallagher, a DSA-backed Brooklyn lawmaker.
Elected by voters who have become increasingly disgruntled with status quo politics, DSA-supported candidates believe they have a mandate to upend the state’s Democratic establishment and press measures like tax hikes that less truculent incumbents have been unable to win.
This new crop of left-flank lawmakers are expected to take an increasingly adversarial approach with a governor who has opposed higher income taxes on rich people and corporations while remaining a steadfast Israel supporter. Hochul, who often touts her ability to work with anyone, is set to be tested by these new legislators’ demands.
“The fact that they now have members at the local level, in the state Legislature and Congress, they now have extraordinary power over the government of New York state,” said Basil Smikle, a political strategist and former state Democratic Party executive director. “That has an impact on the establishment leadership in New York. Voters are making a choice in how they want people to govern. They want fighters, they want folks who are unafraid to think about big policy initiatives.”
Hochul believes the focus should be on defeating MAGA-allied Republicans in crucial races this November — blaming President Donald Trump for voters’ collective exasperation with political leaders.
“People are frustrated, they’re frustrated with the high cost of living,” Hochul said Wednesday. “They’re frustrated at the ability to get that apartment right out of college or buy that first home that they used to be able to do in their 30s. They’re frustrated and a lot of that stems from what’s happening during the last couple of years under the Trump administration.”
The governor, though, avoided what may have been a damaging primary fight this month after making peace with the left. Her endorsements from Mamdani and Ocasio-Cortez earlier this year helped fizzle Lt. Gov. Antonio Delgado’s campaign to wrest the Democratic nomination from her. Hochul’s alliance with the mayor on the shared signature issue of expanding free child care helped deliver him an early victory.
Her working relationship with Mamdani — forged over boosting support for the city’s finances — staved off a broader fight with him over increasing income taxes. (The governor proposed an annual surcharge on pricey New York City second homes with the proceeds going to City Hall’s coffers.)
“I don’t think this is going to be a big deal for Gov. Hochul,” said former New York City Council speaker and Hochul ally Christine Quinn. “She doesn’t care about labels, she cares about results.”
And the governor herself is in a good position to win reelection with the potential of bringing a mandate of her own back to Albany next year.
A Siena University poll released Thursday found her leading her Republican foe, Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman, by 20 points. Hochul also wields tremendous power over the state’s $278 billion budget — mastering a process that enabled her to halt the left’s push to raise income taxes in her reelection year.
“Certainly the DSA is going to have more power in Albany, but I also expect Kathy Hochul is going to win by historic margins in November,” said Morgan Hook, a Democratic strategist and former adviser to ex-Gov. David Paterson. “When she wins reelection by 30 points, you can’t say she has to bow to a small subsection of Albany.”
DSA lawmakers haven’t ascertained how they will approach the next legislative session, which begins in January. Rookie legislators will face their own challenges in a Capitol dominated by legislative leadership and tenured lawmakers who have greater influence than those in their first term.
Though their faction is growing, DSA lawmakers will still be part of a larger 213-member Legislature that meets only six months out of the year and must negotiate a budget that’s proposed by the governor.
“These newer DSA members are going to learn rather quickly that they don’t have as much power as they think they do,” said a Democratic lobbyist who was granted anonymity to speak frankly. “Kathy Hochul has taught everyone over the past couple of years that she’s a good chess player and she understrands how to lever her power as governor.”
Still, the upcoming fight has the potential to have a profound impact on the Empire State’s future. A battle over increasing taxes on rich people — a measure that typically polls well with voters — could drive more wealthy New Yorkers out of the state. A DSA-led push for a costly single-payer health care system would be at odds with some unions that have opposed the idea. And a long-sought DSA provision to prohibit the state from doing business with Israel would open a divide among Democrats.
Incumbent DSA lawmakers, however, believe the wind is at their backs to pursue many of these proposals as their reach with voters expands.
“We have more people coming so we’ll be pushing harder,” said state Sen. Jabari Brisport. “The things we’re fighting for, the stakes only get higher every year. We have more people so we’ll be much more aggressive next year.”
New York’s Republicans, meanwhile, have tried to find ways of capitalizing on the socialist surge. Avila Chevalier’s controversial online posts and hard-left posture may give suburban GOP candidates an opening in their otherwise tough races. And some Republicans believe they can build bridges with more moderate Democrats who will be less inclined to work with a far-left legislator.
“Any commonsense Democrat would benefit from trying to work across the aisle to save this state from mass chaos,” said Marc Molinaro, a former Trump administration official who is running for a state Assembly seat. “I’ll work with anybody, but I don’t think this socialist ideology is something anybody can embrace.”
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